Samira Nasiri is a cyber soldier of the Rajavi cult who, under the banner of constitutionalism, strikes at its very roots. Now it is time for the mask to fall, and for the dissection of this narcissistic fabricator to begin from point zero. She stages her performance with the Lion and Sun symbol, but dances to a tune dictated from Albania. Why does someone who claims to be a monarchist repeatedly drive a dagger into the heart of the constitutionalist movement? The answer is simple: she is a Mujahedin-e Khalq member in monarchist clothing; a trained infiltrator whose mission is to destroy the rival organization from within.

For years, in various ways, she has called Reza Pahlavi incompetent. But that is not the whole story. Just before the fireworks of the forty-day war, Nasiri Babadagani suddenly jumped forward with a new mask and shouted that the well-known slogan “Death to the Three Corrupts” must be abandoned; a desperate attempt to whitewash the bloodstained hands of the most hated cult in Iran’s history.

Mira Nasiri says in one part of the video:

“My words are addressed to those who, by repeating the slogan ‘Death to the Three Corrupts: mullah, leftist, mojahed,’ try to exclude parts of Iranian society from the circle of the nation.”

This is a classic infiltration technique: fabricating a story from Yasmine Pahlavi, continuously assassinating the character of the Prince’s companions, and sowing seeds of doubt and accusation among monarchists.

A man inside a car says in one part of the video:

“Iraj Mesdaghi goes live. Iraj Mesdaghi is the same one who ruined the country of Iran.”

In one of its weekend special editions in April 2026, the newspaper Israel Hayom published a headline that played with media conscience: “A girl under the blade of execution who escaped from the mountains of Iran.” This interview was conducted with a woman who these days calls herself Mira Nasiri, but that headline was not a journalistic report; it was the output of a profile-building factory.

At the same time, another report by Alex Winston was published in The Jerusalem Post; a man who rented out his pen to his friends at the Middle East Forum so that he could present Mira as the central figure in the famous lawsuit filed by the Tramshloo family against Iran International. Samira Nasiri Babadagani, who until yesterday was a marginal figure, suddenly inserted herself into the center of a major legal battle.

This is while the hacked documents of Edalat-e Ali recorded the name Samira Nasiri, daughter of Baratali, not under a death sentence, but for a minor offense: participation in the 2009 protests and a blog with a limited number of followers called “Followers of Akbar’s Path.” The Jerusalem Post sold this lie while the truth—that she had not been sentenced to death—could have been revealed with a single click in the Edalat-e Ali database.

Behind this media war and falsehood stands a man named Alex Selsky, the Israeli director of the Middle East Forum, who, due to his personal relationship with Mira Nasiri, spends the organization’s budget on her. By constructing a false identity, from claiming to have been on a list of people sentenced to death to presenting herself as an investigative journalist, Nasiri Babadagani has managed to become a regular guest of the Middle East Forum.

Alex buys her tickets, spends money on her, and accompanies her while traveling and at other times. This pattern had also appeared earlier in her record, in her companionship with Kamran Malekpour. Short men with piercing eyes, for whom Samira’s tall figure and seductive mannerisms have had, and still have, great appeal.

One of the biggest and earliest questions about Mira Nasiri is this: How does she afford to live in one of Canada’s most expensive neighborhoods and constantly appear in luxurious cafés without having a job? On the surface, she claims to be unemployed and receiving government assistance from Canada, but the reality is something else.

Robin Doe is Mira’s closest friend. She tells everyone that she is like a daughter to these people. Look at this old man’s face: a very wealthy mining businessman in the state of Nevada who pays all of Mira’s expenses. Mira has learned well that wealthy old men are easy prey; they are thirsty for affection, they spend money, and they do not come with the problems of younger men.

Meanwhile, Mira Nasiri’s numerous posts and her targeted focus on certain individuals—while others are quickly abandoned and forgotten—strengthen the suspicion that her exposés have gradually become a source of income for her. Prominent figures who are quickly removed from her narrative and forgotten, while the names of certain others are repeated continuously; as if this cycle has gone beyond an exposé and become part of an ongoing financial game.

This is a claim that many people, including Kourosh Bibiyan, the owner of the first Persian-language satellite network, Jam-e Jam, have made about Mira Nasiri.

Kourosh Bibiyan says in one part of the video:

“Mira Nasiri? Samira Nasiri? Something like that? She called me saying, yes, I have documents; go see what I wrote about you, I’ll do this and that. You beat your wife. She even wrote the name wrong. Besides, my wife is here too, and we laughed a lot. No, here we also get beaten—beaten—no one can beat anyone; we also get beaten. Anyway, this lady again wants 20,000 dollars. Go, kid, go, go. You can’t extort anyone here. They’ll destroy you in this city. This is a very serious crime. You’ll understand little by little.”

These days, Mira Nasiri speaks of her wealthy family, but her truth is rooted in the deprived village of Babadagan in Fereydan. Her father, Baratali Nasiri Babadagani, was a construction worker who moved his family to Isfahan after a flood destroyed the village.

At the age of 16, after a dispute with her father, Samira went to Tehran and soon settled in the private circle of Ahmad Hakimipour, a member of the Islamic Consultative Assembly in Shahr-e Rey. The presence of this teenage girl among the elderly men of the Association of Combatant Clerics, followers of Imam Khomeini’s line, raised many questions. She herself had previously referred to this matter.

Mira Nasiri says in an old video:

“I joined the Association of Clerics Who Follow Imam Khomeini…”

In Canada, Samira changed her name and removed Babadagani from her surname in order to erase the trace of her worker father. She became Mira Nasiri. The woman who was once the temporary wife of Tehran’s mullahs now performs at the forefront of Persian-language social media in Canada with the Lion and Sun flag.

The story of Mira Nasiri is the repeated story of exploiting people’s pure emotions and turning close friends into sworn enemies. Looking at the fate of people such as Elika Behagh, Shima Ghorvian, and Mahsa Nazari Golakani shows that Mira has learned the game well: “Whoever is not with me is an agent of the regime.”

Mira Nasiri knows very well that in today’s inflamed atmosphere, creating hatred is the easiest way to eliminate her opponents. She ties trivial disputes, such as an argument with Shima Ghorvian over an old coat, to security issues. Shima, who was once her close friend, suddenly became a spy and regime agent in Mira’s narratives, so that a flood of insults and hatred from users would be directed toward her.

Elika Behagh met a similar fate. She had once been Mira’s housemate, but after the publication of private chats and continuous humiliation, she was not only labeled an informant, but was pushed mentally and physically to the brink of collapse.

Mahsa Nazari Golakani, a girl from Isfahan, was the person who bought credibility for the unknown Mira and, with full compassion, launched fundraising campaigns for her in order to introduce her to the community. But as soon as Mahsa, after recognizing Mira’s true personality, refused to continue cooperating with her, Mira’s other face appeared.

Mira, who could not tolerate hearing a negative answer, threatened Mahsa with street-level language and said: “I will destroy your father and make sure they kick you out of America.” In a manic act, she traveled from Vancouver to Los Angeles, set up a campaign of intimidation in front of Mahsa’s house, posted stories, and shouted that “I will destroy your father.”

By humiliating Mahsa’s place of residence and fabricating stories about them being followed by the FBI, she showed that she would stop at no crime to destroy someone who had once been the ladder of her rise.

Mira Nasiri says in an Instagram story video:

“Mahsa Nazari’s case is being reviewed by ICE. Nazari and Davoudi live in Tarzana, California, and I am staying in Beverly Hills.”

Mira Nasiri knows no boundaries or ethics in her hostilities. When the accusations against her in the Tramshloo family case became public, instead of responding, she went directly toward threats and intimidation. With complete shamelessness, she wrote about kidnapping them in order to show how far she could go to silence her opponents.

These behaviors prove that this dangerous pawn resorts to any vileness to achieve her goals. Just as she targeted Mahsa with accusations and smear campaigns, she has no hesitation in threatening others with crimes. She wants to send the message that anyone who stands against her will face the shadow of threat and insecurity. This is only one corner of the nature of a woman who, under the mask of activism, has set up a network of crime and misconduct.

Katy Amiryounesi and Mira Nasiri, in one part of the video inside a café:

Katy Amiryounesi: “You made a video against me and made a false claim that I attacked you in front of Al-Ghadir Mosque, while that was not true. You came here. You came to this café to bother me?”

In the continuation of the video, the sound of applause and Mira Nasiri’s shouting can be heard in the background.

Mira Nasiri is the embodiment of the moral vileness described by Schopenhauer. Someone who learned in the school of the clerics who followed Imam Khomeini’s line how to use freedom of expression as an absolute right for herself to suppress her opponents, and how to use threats to silence people.

With nauseating hypocrisy, she calls the violation of people’s privacy “activism,” while in reality she reproduces the same authoritarian system she claims to be fighting. For her, exposing people’s private lives and phone numbers is activism, but publishing her own address is a violation of human rights and terrorism.

In another part of the video, a female questioner and Mira Nasiri speak:

Female questioner: “You said you took fraud from fraud. What do you mean?”

Mira Nasiri: “You, yes, feed on fraud; I just want to say…”

Female questioner: “Please let us talk… Yes, we are virtual content that only exploits people’s emotions. Will you explain the fraud?”

Without any known background in journalism and without having written even a single article, Mira Nasiri presents herself as an investigative journalist. A few scattered pieces of news, a few unrelated images, a few similar names, and finally a patched-together narrative that is released into social media in order to provoke a wave of public anger.

A clear example of this pattern can be seen in the case of Maryam Motamedi Hashemi, born in 1977; a civil engineer and deputy mayor of Semnan, whom Mira Nasiri labeled with embezzlement and a prison sentence. That conviction, however, belonged to another Maryam Hashemi of a different age who had been tried and imprisoned on charges of embezzlement.

She took the text of one case, placed another person’s image beside it, and sold this obvious fraud to her audience as something called investigative reporting. A mere similarity in names was enough for her destruction machine to start moving.

This is exactly the point where the mask of the investigative journalist falls and the true face of a professional fabricator is revealed; someone who sacrifices truth in order to build credibility for herself from the destruction of other people’s reputations.

This pattern is repeated with everyone, from Katy Amiryounesi, the prominent Iranian-American lawyer, to others. Without any evidence or documentation, Mira raises accusations of money laundering against them in order to exploit society’s hatred of the Islamic Republic.

Anyone who stands against her, or anyone who has extended a helping hand to her, is connected to the regime once the expiration date of their usefulness has passed. The scene of her confrontation with Katy in the café is only one small part of these behaviors, showing how she feeds on people’s emotions to advance her personal goals.

Katy Amiryounesi says in one part of the video:

“I knew her. I liked her very much and supported her very much, saying bravo, you are helping against the Islamic Republic… I knew them only to that extent; I had never seen them or anything… They contacted me by phone, saying I am Katy Younesi, I am in Los Angeles. It was very interesting to me and all that. She said, I have a few questions for you; can I come and ask you some questions, and I want to speak with you for two or three words? I said absolutely, I have guests today, but tomorrow afternoon I am available to speak with you and so on. Ten minutes later, she called me again. She said, Katy dear, there is an emergency at the house of someone I was supposed to go to, and I want to come to your house. I said absolutely, as I said, I have guests tonight, please come; even come as a guest to the gathering. That’s all. I called Ms. Mira because she had taken a video of my house, my children, my life… She did not answer for a long time…”

Mira Nasiri attracts an audience by using symbols such as the Lion and Sun and by adopting activist poses, but behind this mask there is neither political knowledge nor experience; only a narrative that is rewritten every day in order to find a new victim.

She is not only not an activist, but with misogynistic and destructive behavior, she mercilessly bites the hand of anyone who has helped her. But in the end, this path has reached a dead end.

When legal complaints against her increased in the United States and Canada, she changed colors once again and took refuge in the arms of the Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization. At the same time, in order to attract attention, she turned into a fifth column of the Israeli army. She herself has repeatedly and proudly referred to her participation in the killing of Iranian civilians.